Publications
-
-
Huseby, Robert; Hovi, Jon & Skodvin, Tora
(2024).
Protecting Future Generations Through Minilateralism: Climate Clubs and Normative Legitimacy.
Politics and Governance.
ISSN 2183-2463.
doi:
10.17645/pag.i379.
Show summary
Despite three decades of global climate negotiations and high expectations for the 2015 Paris Agreement, global emissions continue to grow. To protect future generations from severe harm, scholars, environmentalists, and politicians alike explore potential supplements to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change process. One potential supplement is climate clubs of a type where a small number of “enthusiastic” countries embark on ambitious mitigation efforts while encouraging other, more “reluctant” countries to join. Previous research has shown that this club type possesses a significant potential for expanding membership and eventually becoming highly effective in reducing global emissions. A common criticism of climate clubs, however, is that they lack legitimacy. Assessing this criticism, we argue that climate clubs of the type considered here can be normatively legitimate. The main challenge for normative legitimacy concerns climate clubs’ use of incentives, particularly negative incentives, to attract members. However, we argue that even negative incentives for participation can be legitimate, assuming they meet a set of relevant legitimacy criteria—including that the club respects human rights, provides a
comparative benefit, maintains institutional integrity, implements only proportional incentives, and fulfills a requisite set of epistemic criteria. We also argue that the normative legitimacy of climate clubs’ use of incentives for compliance is less challenging than the normative legitimacy of their use of incentives for participation.
-
Huseby, Robert; Hovi, Jon & Skodvin, Tora
(2024).
Protecting Future Generations Through Minilateralism: Climate Clubs and Normative Legitimacy.
Politics and Governance.
ISSN 2183-2463.
12.
doi:
10.17645/pag.7674.
Full text in Research Archive
Show summary
Despite three decades of global climate negotiations and high expectations for the 2015 Paris Agreement,
global emissions continue to grow. To protect future generations from severe harm, scholars,
environmentalists, and politicians alike explore potential supplements to the United Nations Framework
Convention on Climate Change process. One potential supplement is climate clubs of a type where a small
number of “enthusiastic” countries embark on ambitious mitigation efforts while encouraging other, more
“reluctant” countries to join. Previous research has shown that this club type possesses a significant potential
for expanding membership and eventually becoming highly effective in reducing global emissions.
A common criticism of climate clubs, however, is that they lack legitimacy. Assessing this criticism, we argue
that climate clubs of the type considered here can be normatively legitimate. The main challenge for
normative legitimacy concerns climate clubs’ use of incentives, particularly negative incentives, to attract
members. However, we argue that even negative incentives for participation can be legitimate, assuming
they meet a set of relevant legitimacy criteria—including that the club respects human rights, provides a
comparative benefit, maintains institutional integrity, implements only proportional incentives, and fulfills a
requisite set of epistemic criteria. We also argue that the normative legitimacy of climate clubs’ use of
incentives for compliance is less challenging than the normative legitimacy of their use of incentives
for participation.
-
-
-
Skodvin, Tora
(2023).
The challenges of effective international climate cooperation in an unequal world,
Handbook of International Development and the Environment.
Edward Elgar Publishing.
ISSN 9781800883772.
p. 267–280.
doi:
10.4337/9781800883789.
-
-
-
-
Skodvin, Tora
(2018).
Nonstate actors in international policy making: The Kyoto Protocol and beyond.
In Luterbacher, Urs & Sprinz, Detlef (Ed.),
Global Climate Policy: Actors, Concepts, and Enduring Challenges.
MIT Press.
ISSN 9780262535342.
p. 217–234.
-
Hovi, Jon & Skodvin, Tora
(2017).
Why the United States Supports International Enforcement for Some Treaties but Not for Others.
Politics and Governance.
ISSN 2183-2463.
5(2),
p. 79–92.
doi:
10.17645/pag.v5i2.886.
Full text in Research Archive
Show summary
Under what conditions should we expect the United States to support international enforcement of treaties? We hypothesize
that U.S. support is most likely for treaties where international enforcement will cause considerable (desired) behavioral
change by other countries but little (undesired) behavioral change by the United States. Similarly, U.S. support is least
likely for treaties where international enforcement will generate the converse effects. In developing this hypothesis, we
derive specific conditions under which we should expect U.S. benefits of international enforcement to outweigh U.S. costs
(or vice versa). We also provide empirical examples. Finally, we consider three alternative explanations of U.S. views on international
enforcement—concern for U.S. sovereignty, desire to prevent infringements on U.S. constitutional protection
of individual rights, and the usefulness of international enforcement as a domestic commitment device. We discuss these
alternative explanatory factors’ relationship to our own hypothesis.
-
Bang, Guri; Hovi, Jon & Skodvin, Tora
(2016).
The Paris Agreement: short-term and long-term effectiveness.
Politics and Governance.
ISSN 2183-2463.
4(3),
p. 209–218.
doi:
10.17645/pag.v4i3.640.
Full text in Research Archive
Show summary
The 2015 Paris Agreement was widely greeted with enthusiasm. We assess the short-term and long-term potential effectiveness of Paris. Concerning short-term effectiveness, we contend that while Paris scores high on participation, and reasonably high on the depth of the parties’ commitments (ambition), its Achilles’ heel will likely be compliance. Concerning long-term effectiveness, we argue that Paris does little to restructure states’ incentives so as to avoid free riding. At worst, it might end up as a failure, much like Kyoto did. On the other hand, domestic and international norms could continue to develop in a direction that makes it more and more difficult for individuals, firms, and states alike to ignore the plea to limit and reduce their carbon footprints. Technological progress that gradually reduces abatement costs, combined with leadership by major emitters such as the United States, might further strengthen climate cooperation and enhance other countries’ willingness to follow through. However, deep political polarization continues to represent a significant barrier to U.S. leadership on climate change.
-
Skodvin, Tora & Bang, Guri
(2014).
Domestic drivers of U.S. Climate policy.
Internasjonal Politikk.
ISSN 0020-577X.
72(2),
p. 199–223.
-
Bang, Guri & Skodvin, Tora
(2014).
US climate policy and the shale gas revolution.
In Cherry, Todd L.; Hovi, Jon & McEvoy, David M. (Ed.),
Toward a New Climate Agreement. Conflict, Resolution and Governance.
Routledge.
ISSN 978-0-415-64379-5.
p. 76–90.
Show summary
Climate change is one of the most pressing problems facing the global community. Although most states agree that climate change is occurring and is at least partly the result of humans’ reliance on fossil fuels, managing a changing global climate is a formidable challenge. Underlying this challenge is the fact that states are sovereign, governed by their own laws and regulations. Sovereignty requires that states address global problems such as climate change on a voluntary basis, by negotiating international agreements. Despite a consensus on the need for global action, many questions remain concerning how a meaningful international climate agreement can be realized.
This book brings together leading experts to speak to such questions and to offer promising ideas for the path toward a new climate agreement. Organized in three main parts, it examines the potential for meaningful climate cooperation. Part 1 explores sources of conflict that lead to barriers to an effective climate agreement. Part 2 investigates how different processes influence states’ prospects of resolving their differences and of reaching a climate agreement that is more effective than the current Kyoto Protocol. Finally, part 3 focuses on governance issues, including lessons learned from existing institutional structures.
The book is unique in that it brings together the voices of experts from many disciplines, such as economics, political science, international law, and natural science. The authors are academics, practitioners, consultants and advisors. Contributions draw on a variety of methods, and include both theoretical and empirical studies. The book should be of interest to scholars and graduate students in the fields of economics, political science, environmental law, natural resources, earth sciences, sustainability, and many others. It is directly relevant for policy makers, stakeholders and climate change negotiators, offering insights into the role of uncertainty, fairness, policy linkage, burden sharing and alternative institutional designs.
-
Skodvin, Tora & Bang, Guri
(2014).
Nasjonale drivkrefter i USAs klimapolitikk.
Internasjonal Politikk.
ISSN 0020-577X.
72(2),
p. 199–223.
Full text in Research Archive
Show summary
Da Obama overtok som president i 2009, var ett av hovedmålene å styrke amerikansk klimapolitikk. Fem år senere er målet fortsatt ikke blitt realisert. For å forklare denne manglende måloppnåelsen undersøker vi tre forhold: Først analyserer vi koalisjonsbyggingsstrategiene som ble brukt i Kongressen for å bygge bro over tradisjonelle konfliktlinjer i amerikansk klimapolitikk, og finner at det var nær umulig for senatsledelsen å bygge kompromisser som kunne mobilisere nok støttespillere for en klimalov. Deretter undersøker vi hvordan tre begivenheter påvirket debatten mellom lovgiverne og forsterket konfliktlinjene: Etableringen av «Tea Party»-bevegelsen, «Deepwater Horizon»-ulykken i Mexicogulfen samt finanskrisens påvirkning på folks holdninger til klimaproblemet. For det tredje undersøker vi hvilke implikasjoner Obama-administrasjonens klimapolitikk har for utsiktene til amerikansk deltakelse i en internasjonal klimaavtale. Amerikansk deltakelse i internasjonalt samarbeid er sterkt avhengig av politikken som føres på nasjonalt nivå, og vi finner at de dype konfliktene rundt klimapolitikken i Kongressen betyr at det er svært lite sannsynlig at USA vil slutte seg til en internasjonal klimaavtale i overskuelig framtid.
-
Hovi, Jon; Skodvin, Tora & Aakre, Stine
(2013).
Can Climate Change Negotiations Succeed?
Politics and Governance.
ISSN 2183-2463.
1(2),
p. 138–150.
doi:
10.12924/pag2013.01020138.
Full text in Research Archive
Show summary
More than two decades of climate change negotiations have produced a series of global climate agreements, such as the Kyoto Protocol and the Copenhagen Accords, but have nevertheless made very limited progress in curbing global emissions of greenhouse gases. This paper considers whether negotiations can succeed in reaching an agreement that effectively addresses the climate change problem. To be effective, a climate agreement must cause substantial emissions reductions either directly (in the agreement's own lifetime) or indirectly (by paving the way for a future agreement that causes substantial emissions reductions directly). To reduce global emissions substantially, an agreement must satisfy three conditions. Firstly, participation must be both comprehensive and stable. Secondly, participating countries must accept deep commitments. Finally, the agreement must obtain high compliance rates. We argue that three types of enforcement will be crucial to fulfilling these three conditions: (1) incentives for countries to ratify with deep commitments, (2) incentives for countries that have ratified with deep commitments to abstain from withdrawal, and (3) incentives for countries having ratified with deep commitments to comply with them. Based on assessing the constraints that characterize the climate change negotiations, we contend that adopting such three-fold potent enforcement will likely be politically infeasible, not only within the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, but also in the framework of a more gradual approach. Therefore, one should not expect climate change negotiations to succeed in producing an effective future agreement—either directly or indirectly.
-
Skodvin, Tora
(2012).
Climate regime design, the global warming potential, and climate risk management.
In Dauvergne, Peter (Eds.),
Handbook of Global Environmental Politics, 2nd edition.
Edward Elgar Publishing.
ISSN 978 1 84980 940 5.
p. 64–71.
doi:
10.4337/9781849809412.00014.
-
Underdal, Arild; Hovi, Jon; Kallbekken, Steffen & Skodvin, Tora
(2012).
Can conditional commitments break the climate change negotiations deadlock?
International Political Science Review.
ISSN 0192-5121.
33(4),
p. 475–493.
doi:
10.1177/0192512111432564.
Full text in Research Archive
Show summary
Can a conditional commitment by a major actor (for example, the European Union) induce other major actors (such as the USA, China, India, or Japan) to do more to mitigate global climate change? We analyse this question by first estimating the impact of emission reductions by one of these actors on the mitigation costs of the others and, second, by exploring how domestic politics influence the willingness of the European Union and the USA to contribute. We find that an emission cut by any actor will reduce mitigation costs for all the others and thereby expand the settlement range. These cost reductions seem, however, insufficient to induce significant unilateral policy change. Emissions trading can cut aggregate costs further, but also redistribute wealth. Domestic politics tend to add weight to the concerns of powerful actors that stand to lose from more ambitious mitigation policies.
-
-
Gullberg, Anne Therese & Skodvin, Tora
(2011).
Cost effectiveness and target group influence in Norwegian climate policy.
Scandinavian Political Studies.
ISSN 0080-6757.
34(2),
p. 123–142.
doi:
10.1111/j.1467-9477.2011.00266.x.
Show summary
Cost effectiveness is a key principle of climate policies in industrialised countries, yet there are
significant political barriers against its implementation.The Norwegian case demonstrates that
differences in the climate policy instruments targeting different sectors cannot be explained by
the sectors’ relative significance in the national economy.Whereas the economically insignificant
energy-intensive industries (EIIs) successfully resisted mandatory greenhouse gas
(GHG) regulations until 2008, the offshore petroleum industry (the most important sector for
Norway’s gross domestic product) has paid NOK 300 per tonne of CO2 since 1991. What
explains why some sectors successfully resist GHG regulations while others do not? This
analysis indicates that a key determinant is interdependence between target groups and decision
makers in winning coalitions. EIIs were capable of issuing relevant and credible threats to
shut down and relocate if costly GHG policies were imposed. In contrast, decision makers did
not perceive as credible the offshore petroleum industry’s claim that a CO2 tax would undermine
its competitiveness. Moreover, when target groups can issue effective threats, private
information becomes more relevant and reinforces decision makers’ dependence on target
group cooperation.
-
Skodvin, Tora
(2010).
Pivotal politics" in US energy and climate legislation.
Energy Policy.
ISSN 0301-4215.
38(8),
p. 4214–4223.
doi:
10.1016/j.enpol.2010.03.050.
Show summary
In the 110th Congress (2007–2008) legislation related to climate change was introduced at a faster pace than in any previous Congress, yet it did not result in a corresponding increase in enacted climate-related laws. A pertinent example of the political infeasibility of climate policy change in the 110th Congress is the case of tax credit extensions for production of renewable energy. While this issue in itself was uncontroversial, the extensions were only adopted in the 11th hour, after innumerable failed attempts. With an analytical point of departure in Krehbiel’s theory of pivotal politics, this paper seeks to identify pivotal legislators in the case of the tax credit extensions and discusses how changes in the composition of pivotal legislators in the 111th Congress (2009–2010) may impact the prospects of moving climate legislation more generally. The analysis indicates that a majority of the legislative pivots in the case of tax credit extensions were Republican senators representing coal-producing states. In the case of climate change, however, the regional dimension is likely to be more significant for Democratic voting behaviour. Thus, the opportunity space for climate legislation in the 111th Congress remains narrow even with a reinforced Democratic majority in Congress.
-
Skodvin, Tora; Gullberg, Anne Therese & Aakre, Stine
(2010).
Target-group influence and political feasibility: the case of climate policy design in Europe.
Journal of European Public Policy.
ISSN 1350-1763.
17(6),
p. 854–873.
doi:
10.1080/13501763.2010.486991.
Show summary
Political feasibility (or infeasibility) is often associated with target-group support (or opposition) of specific policy alternatives. We argue that target-groups’ capacity to influence the spectrum of politically feasible policy options tends to be higher when (1) target groups control resources needed by decision-makers, that (2) are agenda-setters and/or veto players in the decision-making process. In the 2008 revision of the European Union Emissions Trading Scheme (EU ETS) exemptions from the basic principle of full auctioning of greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions allowances can all be traced to target-group interest representation by single veto players or blocking minorities in the European Council and the Council of Ministers. Our analysis indicates that target groups succeeded in constraining the spectrum of politically feasible policy options to the extent that their positions were unified and threats to shut down or relocate activity were perceived to be relevant, severe and credible. Our findings confirm both the significance and the limits of portfolio assignment in the Commission. Even with Directorate General (DG) Environment in an agenda-setting role, target groups acquired exemptions through their relations with veto players in the Council.
-
-
Hovi, Jon & Skodvin, Tora
(2008).
Which way to U.S. Climate Cooperation? Issue Linkage versus a U.S.-based Agreement.
Review of Policy Research.
ISSN 1541-132X.
25(2),
p. 129–148.
doi:
10.1111/j.1541-1338.2007.00315.x.
Show summary
Several scholars have suggested that the United States can be compelled to reengage in the Kyoto process by linking cooperation on climate change to cooperation on trade or technology research and development. We argue that such issue linkage would likely fail and suggest that a more promising road to U.S. cooperation is to develop an alternative climate agreement based on federal U.S. climate policy. However, the question then becomes whether the Kyoto countries might be prepared to abandon the Kyoto process in favor of such a U.S.-based agreement. We argue that if a U.S.-based agreement were to be built on President Bush's current climate policy, the Kyoto countries (especially the European Union) would likely be reluctant to go along. However, if a U.S.-based agreement were to be built on the many Kyoto-like initiatives now emerging at state and local levels, the Kyoto countries might well be more favorably inclined.
-
-
Skodvin, Tora & Andresen, Steinar E
(2006).
Leadership revisited.
Global Environmental Politics.
ISSN 1526-3800.
6(3),
p. 13–27.
doi:
10.1162/glep.2006.6.3.13.
Show summary
In the late 1980s/early 1990s the concept of leadership was introduced in the study of international regimes to describe the role negotiating parties some-times would take on to craft agreement. The concept seemed to grasp an essential feature of multilateral cooperative efforts: that parties can be differentiated by the extent to which they are capable of, and willing to, take on a particular responsibility of guiding other parties in directions that could lead to joint solutions. The concept of leadership has only to a small extent been subjected to critical analytical and conceptual discussion. In this article we revisit the concept by asking: What are the characteristic features of leadership in international negotiations? Our analysis shows that current conceptualizations of leadership are associated with significant ambiguities that make it hard to distinguish leadership behavior from other types of bargaining behavior and that these problems are reproduced in empirical identifications of this mode of bargaining behavior.
-
Skodvin, Tora & Andresen, Steinar
(2003).
Nonstate Influence in the International Whaling Commission, 1970-1990.
Global Environmental Politics.
ISSN 1526-3800.
3(4),
p. 61–86.
-
Andresen, Steinar E & Skodvin, Tora
(2003).
Nonstate Influence in the International Whaling Commission.
Global Environmental Politics.
ISSN 1526-3800.
3(4),
p. 61–86.
-
Andresen, Steinar E; Hovi, Jon & Skodvin, Tora
(2003).
The Persistence of the Kyoto Protocol: Why Other Annex I Countries Move on Without the United States.
Global Environmental Politics.
ISSN 1526-3800.
3(4),
p. 1–23.
-
Fuglestvedt, Jan; Berntsen, Terje Koren; Godal, Odd; Sausen, Robert; Shine, Keith & Skodvin, Tora
(2003).
Metrics of Climate Change: Assessing Radiative Forcing and Emission Indices.
Climatic Change.
ISSN 0165-0009.
58(3),
p. 267–331.
doi:
10.1023/A:1023905326842.
Show summary
In this paper, we review existing and alternative metrics of climate change, with particular emphasis on radiative forcing and global warming potentials (GWPs), in terms of their scientific performance. Radiative forcing is assessed in terms of questions such as the utility of the concept, uncertainties and sensitivity to key assumptions. The assessment of emission indices focuses on the climate and other resulting impacts (end points) against which emissions are weighted; the extent to which (and how) time dependence is included, with regard to both emission control and impact; how cost issues are dealt with; and the sensitivity of the metrics to various assumptions. It is concluded that the radiative forcing concept is a robust and useful metric of the potential climatic impact of various agents and that there are prospects for improvement by weighing different forcings according to their effectiveness. We also find that although the GWP concept is associated with serious shortcomings, it retains advantages over any of the proposed alternatives in terms of political feasibility. Alternative metrics, however, make a significant contribution to addressing important issues, and this contribution should be taken into account in the further development of refined metrics of climate change.
-
Fuglestvedt, Jan S.; Godal, Odd; Berntsen, Terje Koren; Skodvin, Tora; Shine, Keith P & Sausen, Robert
(2002).
The adequacy of current metrics of climate change and emission indices.
In van Ham, J.; Baede, A.P.M.; Guicherit, R. & Williams-Jacobse, J.G.F.M. (Ed.),
Non-CO2 Greenhouse Gases: Scientific Understanding Control Options and Policy Aspects. Proceedings of the 3rd International Symposium NCGG-3.
Millpress.
ISSN 978-90-77017-70-8.
p. 389–394.
Show summary
The Global Warming Potential index applied in the Kyoto Protocol to compare emissions of greenhouse gases has been debated and various alternatives have been proposed. In this paper we give a brief overview of some of these alternatives. We discuss the adequacy of these indices and seek to evaluate their relevance and applicability in a future climate regime. Their performance is assessed according to guidelines given in the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and in terms of political feasibility. We find that some of the alternative approaches to the GWP concept are more adequate in terms of effective mitigation of human-induced climate change but have a lower political feasibility.
-
Fuglestvedt, Jan; Skodvin, Tora; Godal, Odd & Berntsen, Terje Koren
(2000).
Climate implications of GWP-based reductions in greenhouse gas emissions.
Geophysical Research Letters.
ISSN 0094-8276.
27,
p. 409–412.
View all works in Cristin
-
Skodvin, Tora & Skjærseth, Jon Birger
(2003).
Climate Change and the Oil Industry: Common Problem, Varying Strategies.
Manchester University Press.
ISBN 0719065585.
246 p.
-
Andresen, Steinar E; Skodvin, Tora; Underdal, Arild & Wettestad, Jørgen
(2000).
Science and Politics in International Environmental Regimes: Between Integrity and Involvement.
Manchester University Press.
ISBN 0-7190-5806-6.
221 p.
View all works in Cristin
-
Lahn, Bård Lappegård; Skodvin, Tora; Sælen, Håkon; Farstad, Fay Madeleine & Sandanger, Gunnell
(2021).
Ny grønn giv med USA?
[Internet].
CICERO - KLIMA.
Show summary
Joe Biden har vunnet valget i USA – kan vi håpe på en grønn ny giv? Hvilken innflytelse har miljøbevegelsen i USA, og hva skjer med internasjonal klimapolitikk?
-
Balsvik, Eivind & Skodvin, Tora
(2021).
«Statsvitenskap: Global oppvarming og internasjonale klimaavtaler. Tredje episode av klima-podkasten til SVEXFAC»
.
-
Hovi, Jon & Skodvin, Tora
(2016).
Editorial to the Issue on Climate Governance and the Paris Agreement.
Politics and Governance.
ISSN 2183-2463.
4(3),
p. 111–114.
doi:
10.17645/pag.v4i3.721.
Show summary
This thematic issue of Politics and Governance serves as a Festschrift in honor of Professor Dr. Philos. Arild Underdal on his 70th birthday. In this editorial, the guest editors summarize a few of Professor Underdal’s many academic merits and achievements. They also provide a synopsis of each of the ten contributions to the Festschrift, which focuses on climate governance in general and the 2015 Paris Agreement in particular.
-
Hovi, Jon & Skodvin, Tora
(2016).
Når har internasjonale avtaler behov for håndheving?
In Malnes, Raino Sverre (Eds.),
Velkommen til statsvitenskap.
Gyldendal Akademisk.
ISSN 978-82-05-49471-8.
p. 242–258.
-
Skodvin, Tora & Hovi, Jon
(2015).
Kan de internasjonale klimaforhandlingene lykkes?
Internasjonal Politikk.
ISSN 0020-577X.
73(4),
p. 529–537.
-
Bang, Guri & Skodvin, Tora
(2014).
Nasjonale drivkrefter i USAs klimapolitikk.
Hvor hender det?.
ISSN 0801-9509.
-
Hovi, Jon & Skodvin, Tora
(2013).
Norge og veien til lavutslippssamfunnet .
Dagens næringsliv.
ISSN 0803-9372.
-
Skodvin, Tora & Bang, Guri
(2012).
Ingen ny amerikansk klimapolitikk.
Forskning.no.
ISSN 1891-635X.
-
Andresen, Steinar; Bang, Guri & Skodvin, Tora
(2012).
Klimadiplomati på tomgang.
Dagens næringsliv.
ISSN 0803-9372.
-
Fuglestvedt, Jan; Godal, Odd; Berntsen, Terje Koren; Skodvin, Tora; Shine, Keith & Sausen, Robert
(2002).
The adequacy of current metrics of climate change and emission indices.
Show summary
The Global Warming Potential index applied in the Kyoto Protocol to compare emissions of greenhouse gases has been debated and various alternatives have been proposed. In this paper we give a brief overview of some of these alternatives. We discuss the adequacy of these indices and seek to evaluate their relevance and applicability in a future climate regime. Their performance is assessed according to guidelines given in the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and in terms of political feasibility. We find that some of the alternative approaches to the GWP concept are more adequate in terms of effective mitigation of human-induced climate change but have a lower political feasibility.
-
Alfsen, Knut H.; Fuglestvedt, Jan; Seip, Hans Martin & Skodvin, Tora
(2000).
Climate change. Scientific background and processes.
CICERO Senter for klimaforskning, P.b. 1129 Blindern, 0318 Oslo.
Report 2000:1.
View all works in Cristin
Published
June 14, 2011 1:10 PM
- Last modified
Feb. 26, 2024 10:15 AM